Mitt Romney won another decisive victory in Nevada over the weekend, his
third out of a total of five contests to date. In what might be a surprise to
many, he carried the Silver State caucuses with strong support from
conservatives – winning 57 percent of the “somewhat conservative” voters and 48
percent of the “very conservative” voters.
The conventional wisdom is that conservatives are
dissatisfied with Romney, whose electoral coalition is comprised mostly of
moderates and even liberal voters. That might be true of conservative media
elites, but the broader electorate of conservatives have been much more amenable
to Romney.
To appreciate this, consider the following chart. It
combines the votes of all five nomination battles to date – Iowa, New Hampshire,
South Carolina, Florida, and Nevada – to see how different ideological groups
are breaking down in terms of support. (The cells in this chart are to be read
top to bottom.)
No doubt, Romney is dominating among moderates and liberals,
but his haul is just as strong among “somewhat conservative” voters. It
is only among the “very conservative” that Gingrich has a lead – although even
this is much less than what one might have thought based on the way the media
has been covering the story. Indeed, Romney is actually pulling in the
second-largest number of “very conservative” votes, and among all conservatives
(“somewhat” and “very”) he leads Gingrich, 39 percent to 35 percent.
Let’s look at the same issue another way. The above chart was
read top-to-bottom, the next one is read left-to-right. That is, this chart
answers the questions: what percentage of all the Romney, Gingrich, and Santorum
voters are moderate/liberal, what percentage are somewhat conservative, what
percentage are very conservative?
This is a very important piece of data, as it indicates that
nearly two-thirds of the Romney vote is conservative. Gingrich and
Santorum, of course, are pulling nearly 80 percent of their votes from
conservatives, much more than Romney.
How does Romney’s coalition compare to past Republican
nominees? Data is most readily available for the 2008 nomination battle, which
McCain ended up winning handily. So let’s compare the ideological breakdown of
Romney 2012 voters to McCain 2008 voters in Iowa, New Hampshire, South
Carolina, and Florida.
Clearly, McCain won the nomination
because of moderates and liberals, who made up nearly half of his early
coalition. But not so with Romney, whose support samples much more heavily from
conservatives.
Let’s step back and take a broader view of matters. The
following graph tracks the percentage of conservatives in the voting coalitions
of the winners and runners-up in New Hampshire for 1996, 2000, 2004, and 2008.
This picture suggests that Romney’s coalition, at least in
the Granite State, is relatively conservative. Not nearly as much as Buchanan’s
was, but almost as much as George W. Bush’s was in 2000.
In the final analysis, four crucial points are worth
making.
(1) It simply is untrue that Romney is not winning
conservatives. In fact, a super-majority of Romney voters are in fact
conservative and he has won more conservatives than any other
candidate. The most conservative voters are not the bulk of his coalition, for
sure, but overall his support is coming from the right side of the political
spectrum.
(2) The Romney coalition in 2012 is more moderate than the
Romney 2008 coalition was. In most of the early contests – at least outside the
South – Romney secured the support of very conservative voters four years ago.
That is not the case this time around, not nearly to the same extent. Even so,
his coalition in 2012 is a hybrid of the McCain ’08 and Romney ’08 vote.

(3) This is a virtually unbeatable coalition, if he can
maintain it. Romney has basically situated himself
exactly in the middle of
the GOP electorate: a plurality of his voters are somewhat conservative,
with the remaining sampling from the moderates and the very conservatives. To
defeat this coalition, an opponent would have to either steal some of his very
conservative voters
or cobble together a coalition that includes the
far left and the far right of the electorate. Either would be a very difficult
task to accomplish.
(4) This is not to say that conservative voters are happy
with Romney. After all, they do not get to pick the candidates who appear on the
ballot. A plurality of conservatives have, to date, preferred Romney over
anybody else, but that does not mean he would be their first choice if
candidates like Jeb Bush, Mitch Daniels, or Paul Ryan had tossed their hats into
the ring.
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